LIBERTY UNIVERSITY
JOHN W. RAWLINGS SCHOOL of DIVINITY
 
 
Research Paper Assignment
 
Submitted to Dr. H. Wayne House
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the completion of
 
 
OBST800_B03_202520
Old Testament Backgrounds
 
 
by
 
Paul Whitehorn
L00182201
March 2nd, 2025
 
 

Table of Contents
Introduction
Part 1: Evaluating Cultural Influence

• Defining the Need for Structured Analysis
• The Four Strata of Influence (FSI)
• Implementation of the Four Strata of Influence
• Ineligible Material and Theological Considerations

• Disease and Ritual Purification in the ANE
• Disease as Divine Judgment
• Identifying Naaman’s Condition: Was It Leprosy?

• Israel’s Rejection of Iconography
• Icons of Healing in the ANE
• Water and Healing: Ritual and Symbolism
• The Icon of Tribute: Wealth and Divine Favor
• Chariot Technology and Military Prestige
• Seals and Diplomacy in the ANE

• The Geopolitical Landscape of 2 Kings 5
• Aram’s Strategic Importance and Conflicts with Israel
• Naaman’s Likely Route of Travel
• Weather and Travel Conditions in the Ancient Near East
• The Tel Dan Stele and Its Historical Significance
• Elisha’s House at Tel Rehov: Archaeological Evidence

• Bible Study on 2 Kings 5
• Handout for Group Study

Introduction

 
This paper challenges long-held beliefs about Naaman, from 2 Kings 5, arguing that he didn’t have leprosy and that his disease wasn’t just a personal affliction but a national curse on his people. It also suggests that Naaman wasn’t acting out of pride; at least, that’s not why he reacted the way he did to Elisha’s instructions. It also shows that Elisha's decision not to meet Naaman wasn’t about leprosy or ritual impurity. Rather, his home was not merely a private residence but a place of prophetic instruction, where worshipers and disciples gathered in pursuit of divine truth. To meet a foreign military leader there, next to the altars, would have introduced an element wholly out of place. Thesis: this paper examines the Old Testament (OT) background of 2 Kings 5 by integrating archaeological, literary, and iconographic evidence, demonstrating that engagement with ancient Near Eastern (ANE) studies is an essential part of Bible Exposition. It shows that the world of the OT is only understood within its broader cultural context. While understanding the original languages and conducting a literary analysis of God’s word is important, it’s useless by itself. We must examine the Scriptures through the lens of geography, archaeology, and common literary texts from the period of the Bible: not just to draw parallels, but to understand the minds of the people of that time. This paper hopes to indirectly reveal that scholars must stay current with new discoveries and be willing to change long-held beliefs if new evidence provides fresh insights. We cannot and should not cling to traditional understandings of texts simply because they have always been accepted. Rather, those positions were likely formed based on the best available data at the time. Yet, a single new piece of new evidence, no matter how small, could have has seismic implications. To this end, archaeological discoveries keep giving us real, tangible proof of the events, places, and political realities described in the Bible. That’s why we have to stay vigilant and keep digging—literally and figuratively. Literary parallels from the ANE give us valuable insight into the themes and storytelling methods of the time. Iconography, as part of this bigger picture, helps us see the world the Israelites lived in, showing both the similarities and stark differences between them and their neighbors. This paper explores all of it.
There are scores of fake finds and false parallels to be had, all for the sake of academia. And even when the data is valid, scholars differ on how to interpret these connections. To navigate this complex relationship between Scripture and ANE studies, this paper proposes the Four Strata of Influence (FSI) method: a structured framework for assessing the validity of extra-biblical material. This approach ensures that only relevant historical sources are used in biblical analysis while avoiding speculative connections that lack contextual support. Through this lens, Naaman’s story takes on new life.

PART1, SECTION A. Defining the Need for Structured Analysis

Cognitive Environment Criticism acts as a method for evaluating how a text may have been shaped by the surrounding intellectual and cultural environment of its time. Scholars like Niehaus champion the idea that universal themes in the Bible, such as those found in the Epic of Gilgamesh, don’t originate from cross-politization but rather develop from a shared human experience that is natural for all cultures.[1] On the other hand, Walton argues that these ideas do not develop naturally and that there was a “cultural river” where information from the ANE simply drifted down the stream of time, influencing everything in its historical and theological path. [2] Now, Oswalt recognizes that there are, in fact, thematic similarities but believes that they developed from entirely distinct frameworks. As he notes, "one starts with this cosmos and reasons to ultimate realities, getting basically the same results.”[3] To use an example, wouldn’t it be absurd to claim that the Epic of Gilgamesh could in some way have influenced Alphaville’s 1980’s pop hit "Forever Young"? Sure, the Epic of Gilgamesh, dating to the third millennium BC, does explore the parallel idea of eternal youth, but these two manifestations of the concept are hardly related. Yet, this is exactly the danger faced when drawing parallels between ANE material and the Bible. Sandmel tackles this problem head-on in his critique of what he calls "parallelomania." He questions the academic overreach that frequently occurs in ANE comparative studies.[4] In theory, he shows that some theologians will contend that Alphaville derives its ideas from the Epic of Gilgamesh due to thematic affinities, but anyone with an ounce of common sense knows that such an assertion is both specious and untenable. It is more likely, as Jones, Herskovits, and Averbeck argue, that universal ideas, such as the desire to remain "forever young," are simply shared human concerns that transcend all textual dependencies.[5][6][7] This is clear because, when left alone, most cultures develop myths and archetypal narratives addressing these universal issues of youth, aging, and the inevitability of death. [8] In short, everyone wants to be “forever young,” and it doesn’t require information from “upstream” to arrive at that truth.

PART1, SECTION B. Definition: The Four Strata of Influence (FSI)

The first step in choosing relevant extra-biblical material from ANE is to place it within what I call the four strata of influence (FSI). The FSI methodology provides a systematic approach for evaluating the relevance of extra-biblical material. The initial step involves simple contextual analysis, where the historical, social, and cultural settings of both the biblical and ANE material are carefully examined to confirm or reject any potential connections. That is, if it's a laundry list from the correct period and everything about it seems accurate, but it doesn't have any clear connection to the biblical text, it won't pass the first step. While it might be an interesting artifact for learning about daily life in the ANE, it simply isn't relevant to biblical studies and doesn't meet the criteria for further evaluation. Factors like temporal proximity, the geographical location of the find, and nearby sociopolitical material must be carefully filtered through and categorized using a structured rubric. This step is important for placing the material in its proper context for later comparison. The second step is to look deeper into the genre and function of the material found. We must ask whether a text or image is tied to a particular ruler, myth, legal code, or historical narrative that might or might not have relevance to the biblical narrative, and why or why not those connections may or may not exist.

PART1, SECTION C. Implementation of the Four Strata of Influence

FSI categorizes sources into four strata based on five primary criteria: temporal, geographical, cultural, linguistic, and thematic. The first step is called the Central Strata, which includes the most reliable evidence, such as artifacts or texts contemporaneous with the Bible. This includes material originating from the exact geographical region of the biblical narrative, such as Canaan, Israel, or Judah. Linguistically, it prioritizes sources written in Hebrew or closely related dialects like Aramaic, Moabite, or Edomite. These sources are rare and are considered the gold standard that cannot be ignored. The Green Strata includes sources that are somewhat distant in time, language, or geography, typically within 200 to 400 years. This includes material from neighboring regions such as Mesopotamia, Egypt, or Aram. Linguistically, this stratum always includes related Semitic languages like Akkadian, Aramaic, or Ugaritic. The third step is called the Yellow Strata which encompasses evidence further removed in time, ranging from 400 to 600 years, or from more geographically distant regions, such as Anatolia, the Aegean, or parts of Arabia. Linguistically, it includes less closely related languages, such as Hittite, Hurrian, or early Greek. Although these languages may share thematic or structural parallels they have weak to no relevance to the biblical text. Although these sources may provide potential insights into trade connections, broader material culture, or shared traditions, they should not be considered for parallels except in cases where they may have influenced the Green Strata material: and even then only the Green Strata material should be directly considered. Finally, the Red Strata consists of sources significantly removed in time, typically more than 600 years, or originating from distant regions like the Indus Valley or early European societies. Linguistically, this includes languages that are totally unrelated to Hebrew or Semitic traditions, such as early Indo-European or Dravidian languages. These sources are “forever young,” and while they might offer thematic comparisons and insights into universal ideas or cognitive frameworks, they are not reliable for even secondary comparisons and must not be used in biblical studies. I repeat, under no circumstances should they be considered for parallels, no matter how tempting it might be due to imposed relevance.

PART1, SECTION D. Ineligible Material and Theological Considerations

Yellow and Red Strata aren’t eligible for consideration in this framework. For this paper, only Yellow and Red Strata will be specifically marked in the text as “(Yellow)” or “(Red)”; all other material will be assumed to fall under the Green or Central Strata. This distinction's crucial since it ensures only sources with reasonable historical and linguistic proximity to the biblical text are given weight by the reader. It also recognizes that these materials are usually part of the discussion. In this same vein, it's essential to approach all religious material, both relevant and not, with discernment. Human attempts to comprehend God are often shaped by cultural presuppositions and, at times, distorted by internal and external deception. This influence can occur both directly and indirectly through evil (Deut. 32:17, Ps. 106:37-38). This acknowledgment does not imply that ANE material is somehow inherently evil or unworthy of study. Rather, it underscores the importance of approaching these texts from the Christian worldview. Therefore, the first step in analyzing the relationship between biblical and ANE texts is to assess their historical connection. This involves evaluating whether the texts share a direct literary relationship, such as borrowing motifs from or influencing another through some other means. The second step acknowledges that theological differences between the Bible and other texts are not always accidental but often intentional. Biblical authors were products of their environments, and while translating God’s word into written records, they used idioms, real-life references, and cultural norms to convey their message. For example, the Bible and ANE creation narratives explore themes of divine power and order, but the Bible stands alone in its unique presentation of the facts, revealing God as a logical Creator, not as a collection of illogical monsters tearing each other apart and behaving like rock stars instead of deities. The third step identifies how biblical texts purposefully engage with and redefine shared cultural concepts. The concept of covenant, while present in ANE treaties, takes on a unique theological dimension in the Bible. That is, it reveals God’s unmerited grace and faithfulness instead of mere contractual obligation seen in most ANE literature. In short, these steps reveal the bible's unique role as both a product of its culture but totally different from it.

PART2, SECTION A. Disease and Ritual Purification in the ANE

Most ANE cultures shared a common belief that disease was a sign of divine displeasure.[9] To them, sickness wasn't just a physical condition but a result of spiritual error. The only way to restore balance with the universe, the gods, or the soul was through ritual purification.[10] It's believed this idea first stemmed from Mesopotamia, where they developed a highly structured view of disease in many of their early writings. The Gula Hymns and Prayers (Red) from Sumer, dating back to around 3000 BC, are some of the earliest examples. In these texts, temple priests served as both healers and intermediaries between humans and the gods, using incantations and rituals to drive out illness-causing spirits.[11] From these writings, it’s evident that they believed sickness was linked to divine will and had to be addressed through purification and appeasement rather than medical remedies alone. By the Old Babylonian period from 1900 to 1600 BC, these beliefs became even more structured.[12] This is especially clear in The Diagnostic Handbook from the Neo-Assyrian period from 1067 to 1046 BC, which systematically attributed sickness to divine wrath, sorcery, or demonic forces.[13] Much of the Ashurbanipal library, including the handbook itself, reinforces this perspective. About 500 years later, Egypt developed a more blended approach. The Ebers Papyrus (ca. 1550 BC) is one of the best examples of this shift, because it incorporated both spiritual and medicinal treatments. While it’s true that Egyptian medicine still relied on prayers and incantations to deities like Sekhmet, it also included practical treatments with real medicinal value.[14] The Ebers Papyrus describes honey as an antibacterial agent, sulfur for skin conditions, aloe vera and myrrh for their soothing and antiseptic properties, and willow bark, which contains a precursor to salicylic acid. In short, Egyptian medicine moved beyond rituals and began incorporating actual medical treatments, though many remedies were still misguided. Physicians prescribed everything from effective herbal treatments to bizarre substances like lizard's blood, worm's blood, and donkey's dung for puncture wounds.[15] Canaanite culture embraced many of these ideas as well, integrating them into the worship of Resheph, a god associated with plague and disease (Central).[16] However, Israel took a different path. Biblical narratives like 2 Kings 5 (ca. 9th century BC) reveal a significant theological shift. While most ANE cultures depended on elaborate rituals for healing, Israel emphasized divine grace and obedience over ritual mediation. This clash of cultures is clearly seen in Naaman's frustration when Elisha did not perform the expected ritual but instead told him to wash in the Jordan (2 Kings 5:10).

PART2, SECTION B. Disease as Divine Judgment

In 2 Kings 5:27 Gehazi is struck “leprosy” as a consequence of his greed and deceit (cf. Deut. 28:27, 2 Chron. 26:19). Though different cultures had variations on similar punishments, they all shared the belief that disease was not merely a physical affliction but a disruption of divine balance. This idea is rooted in the fundamental cosmology of the ANE, where gods controlled both health and sickness. Šurpu (ca. 1300–1000 BC) and Maqlû (ca. 1000 BC) describe disease as the result of divine punishment or malevolent forces, prescribing ritual incantations to counter them.[17] [18] The Utukku Lemnutu incantations (ca. 1100–900 BC) reinforce this idea, detailing various demonic entities believed to cause the suffering.[19] The Bīt Rimki purification ritual, from the Neo-Assyrian period (ca. 900–612 BC; Green), further highlights the Mesopotamian emphasis on spiritual cleansing as a means to the combat disease. To summarize, healing in the ANE required humans to seek restoration through ritual purification, offerings, and incantations. Disease was often seen as a form of divine judgment, as in Gehazi’s case, where it was understood as a response to moral failure (e.g. Ex. 15:26).[20]
Kipfer explores how royal inscriptions and religious texts emphasize the king's role in mediating between the gods and the afflicted, reinforcing the idea that health was a matter of divine favor rather than purely medical concern.[21] Frahm places this within the broader framework of Mesopotamian royal ideology, noting that Babylonian and Assyrian rulers often sought guidance from diviners and exorcists when dealing with plagues or mysterious illnesses. This reflects how politics, religion, and medicine were often woven together in other ANE stories.[22] Showing that Naaman’s disease was more than an individual hardship; it was a national crisis pointed like a knife at the heart of the Assyrian royal complex. This is why Assyria was willing to invest what amounted to five years of tribute to see him, or should I say “them,” healed.

PART2, SECTION C. Identifying Naaman’s Condition: Was It Leprosy?

Naaman's condition was likely vitiligo, as suggested by modern medicine, Scripture, and ANE texts. Vitiligo is a hereditary skin condition described in v.27 as “תִּדְבַּק־בְּךָ וּבְזַרְעֲךָ לְעוֹלָם.” This disease is marked by a progressive loss of skin pigmentation, creating large white patches similar to those seen in albinism, and it usually does not develop until later in life. However, its onset is accelerated by physical activity, which would fit with Naaman's lifestyle. Modern medicine believes that vitiligo occurs when melanocytes, the cells responsible for producing melanin, are destroyed or stop functioning.[23]
While modern medicine has over 1,500 distinct terms for various skin conditions, the ANE had only a handful of words to describe a wide range of ailments. The Hebrew term צרעת "tzara'at" is translated as "leprosy" in 2 Kings 5, and refers to a range of skin conditions rather than Hansen's disease.[24] 𒁍𒍝𒉡 "buʾšānu" and 𒌋𒄑𒍪 "ukṣu" in Akkadian medical texts referred to leprosy as an ailment causing sores, ulcers, or depigmentation (Yellow).[25] 𒊓𒄩𒌨𒋗𒁍𒁍 "saḫaršubbu" in Sumerian described it in relation to scaling skin conditions.[26]  𓅩𓎛𓂧𓅱 "uhedu" in Egyptian medical papyri, such as the Ebers Papyrus, referred to it generally as white patches (Yellow).[27] In Hittite, 𒄩𒀀𒇻𒀀𒉿𒈾𒉿 "idalu anni" was generally just "bad skin," encompassing various dermatological disorders (Yellow).[28] Each of these terms indicate that they along with צרעת "tzara'at" were speaking to much broader ailments. This is important because it helps explain why both Naaman and later Gehazi was not treated by Jews as ritually unclean (e.g. 2 Kings 6:15, 8:4).
While vitiligo would have been called leprosy, it would not have been considered unclean according to Leviticus (Lev. 13:13).[29] Furthermore, several ANE medical texts show that leprosy, כַּשָּׁלֶג "like snow," was seen as different from its ritually unclean counterpart (2 Kings 5:27). The Sakikkû, a Mesopotamian diagnostic manual, describes skin whitening as an omen of divine displeasure rather than an infectious ailment, linking it to curses or spiritual impurity instead of any kind of physical contagion.[30] It also prescribes incantations and ritual purifications as the primary means to deal with the affliction. [31] Again, demonstrating the Mesopotamian belief that skin ailments were linked to spiritual imbalance rather than medical pathology.[32][33] Egyptian medical texts, such as the Ebers Papyrus, discuss it as a patchy loss of pigmentation. They proposed treatments involving herbs, honey, and minerals, but they didn't see it as contagious or associated with nerve damage.[34] This distinction helps explain why neither Naaman nor Gehazi were treated as unclean: Naaman was still permitted to return to his duties, and Gehazi later stood before the king (2 Kings 8:4-5). In short, while vitiligo would have been categorized as tzara'at, it was not the type of tzara'at that required exclusion from Assyrian and Israel’s royal courts under Levitical law (Lev. 13:13).
The theological and cultural significance of vitiligo fits like a jigsaw puzzle piece right into the biblical narrative. Other skin conditions, like psoriasis or fungal infections, don't fit as well.[35] Psoriasis causes red, scaly skin but doesn't lead to total whitening, and Hansen's disease would have required social isolation, which doesn't line up with the biblical account. While vitiligo was a visible sign of divine displeasure or judgment, it didn't make him ceremonially unclean, which also eliminates that as a viable reason for Elisha not meeting Naaman in person (2 Kings 5:10). That is, the biblical descriptions of Naaman's condition and healing fit right into the broader ANE views of this particular disease. Unlike Israelite purity laws, which required separation and priestly examination, Mesopotamian healing rituals involved incantations and offerings to gods like Gula, the goddess of healing. Hittite rituals for skin diseases, found in the Instructions for Temple Officials, also included purification rites that sound a lot like the washing Elisha told Naaman to do.[36]

PART3, SECTION A. Israel’s Rejection of Iconography

One of the biggest differences between Israel and other ANE traditions is the command to avoid using sacred images. While other religions in the region relied heavily on visual depictions of their gods, the Bible repeatedly forbids the use of idols (Exodus 20:4-5). That doesn’t mean they couldn’t use images at all; it just meant they weren’t allowed to use them in a religious context. In fact, archaeological findings suggest that Israelite society utilized various forms of visual representation, including standing stones (masseboth), inscribed seals, and symbolic motifs that were integrated into daily life and governance rather than worship. Tryggve N. D. Mettinger’s research highlights how Israelite aniconism did not mean a complete absence of imagery, but rather a rejection of anthropomorphic depictions of Yahweh, distinguishing their practices from neighboring cultures.[37] Some scholars argue that symbols such as the cherubim on the Ark of the Covenant and the temple decorations reflect a form of permissible sacred iconography that stopped short of idolatry.[38] This distinction between Israel’s rejection of idols and its limited use of sacred symbols helps us better understand 2 Kings 5 and Naaman’s response to his healing. When Naaman is cleansed of leprosy, he not only acknowledges Yahweh as the one true God but also asks for Israelite soil to take back with him to Syria, intending to worship Yahweh alone (2 Kings 5:17). This request reflects an awareness of Yahweh’s exclusivity, a central theme in Israelite theology. Unlike the surrounding nations that relied on visual depictions of their gods, Naaman recognizes that true worship isn’t tied to an image but to allegiance to the one true God (2 Kings 5:15). His response mirrors the biblical rejection of iconography, showing that divine presence isn’t mediated through idols but through faith and obedience. Instead of requesting an image of Yahweh, as might have been expected in his cultural context, Naaman asks for Israelite soil to take back to Syria (2 Kings 5:17). This suggests that he understood Yahweh’s presence was not connected to a carved figure but to the sacred land and covenant relationship of Israel. His desire for earth rather than an idol reinforces the idea that worship of Yahweh was not represented through an image but through sacred space.

PART3, SECTION B.  Icons of Healing in the ANE

Leprosy and other skin conditions don’t appear often in ANE art, likely because people saw disease as a sign of divine punishment. But another reason might be that the materials they worked with made it tough to show fine details like blemishes. So instead of depicting illness directly, they used symbolic images to tell the same story. However, there are some notable exceptions. For example, small dog figurines associated with Gula, the goddess of healing, were frequently placed in homes or buried beneath floors as protective charms for those seeking restoration.[39] Also several Neo-Assyrian cylinder seals depict healing rituals where a patient is treated inside a sacred space, flanked by two dogs: symbols of Gula’s divine protection. A Babylonian terracotta relief portrays a sick person lying in a reed hut, receiving care from a priest while in a posture of supplication.[40]
In 2 Kings 5, Naaman expects that Elisha will perform a dramatic hand motion over him to bring about his healing (2 Kings 5:11). This belief corresponds with the iconic representations in ANE art. Throughout this period, many deities were linked to water’s restorative power, such as Ninazu, Tigris, Damu, Baal, Yam, Hapi, Khnum, Teshub, and Tanit. Enki, one of the most prominent among them, appears in numerous Mesopotamian cylinder seals and reliefs, and is usually shown with flowing waters that symbolize healing.[41] These early portrayals of water healing reflect the widespread understanding that water functioned as a medium for divine restoration. Jesus drew on this established symbolism, knowing that water was already recognized in the culture as a source of healing. (John 9:7, Mark 8:23) However, the connection between water and divine healing was not the only significant theme in ANE art. Another dominant motif involved supernatural figures using an outstretched hand, reinforcing the idea that divine beings, priests, and rulers held authority over disease and affliction. That is, ANE art consistently depicts supernatural intervention through two primary images: a healer extending an outstretched hand or the use of water vessels and water motifs in purification rituals. In most images, divine intervention happens by the priest touching the afflicted for the deity. In this way, priests were seen as guardians against evil, waving their hands over the afflicted, showing their authority over the disease.[42] Lamashtu amulets[43] serve as a good example of this belief, since they were used to repel a demoness who caused miscarriages and disease. To protect against this threat, priests placed her icons in the location where the vulnerable lived. In most cases, these amulets depicted a priest waving their hands over the body of the affected person as an exorcism of sorts. As for water vessels, deities such as Gula, the goddess of healing, or Thoth, the god of medicine, were usually shown holding symbolic objects like purification vessels or rods of healing.[44] This later influenced Greek depictions of Asclepius, whose snake and staff symbol caduceus became the modern emblem of medicine and healing in the United States (Yellow).[45] Gula, was depicted in temple iconography as the one who granted healing through sacred purification rites involving water vessels.[46] Her followers believed that if the stars were in the correct alignment at the time of the water ritual, one could increase their chances of being healed.[47] The heliacal rising of the Pleiades constellation during a full moon, for example, was believed to significantly increase one’s chances of being healed.[48] Egyptian icons present a parallel concept via Thoth, who was frequently associated with ibises and healing. Thoth, depicted as an ibis-headed deity,[49] was revered as the god of wisdom, writing, and medicine. His followers implored, "O Thoth, heal me," and he was entreated to grant skill "to the physicians in his train."[50] These symbolic depictions throughout the ANE reveal a widespread belief that divine intervention, whether through touch or water, was central to restoration and healing. Seen in this light, Naaman’s reaction is less about arrogance or a superiority complex and more about a man wrestling with a worldview that contradicts what is being asked of him.

PART3, SECTION C.  Water and Healing: Ritual and Symbolism

The interaction in 2 Kings 5:10-13 lines up with what we see in other ANE healing traditions. Elisha's command, "Go and wash in the Jordan seven times," fits right in with purification rites found in Hittite and Egyptian medical texts. These texts talk about ritual washing in streams or sacred waters as a way to restore purity, which actually sounds a lot like what John the Baptist was doing (Mark 1:4). This belief persisted well into the time of Jesus, as seen in John 5:6-7, where Jesus encounters a crippled man at the Pool of Bethesda. It should be noted that Hittite purification rituals also required priests or individuals seeking healing to immerse themselves in some kind of sacred water source.[51] Egyptian purification rites follow the same pattern, with washing and ritual immersion as the standard. Joachim Friedrich Quack further notes that Egyptian temple rituals almost always began with these purifications: priests had to undergo ritual washing before performing their duties.[52] Additionally, Katz's successfully argues that water purification was usually tied to spiritual transformation rather than just a physical cleansing. The act of washing itself wasn't what was important; rather, it was the divine authority granting purity through the ritual.[53] Regardless, in all these cases, the event was elaborate, with lengthy incantations and what we might picture as pageantry. The priests put on a grand spectacle so everyone could see just how serious the ritual was. That is why Naaman "went away in a rage" when he didn't get the “big show” (2 Kings 5:12). He expected Elisha to "call on the name of the Lord his God, and wave his hand over the site and cure the leprosy" (2 Kings 5:11). This expectation wasn't random; it was married to the way healing rituals worked across the ancient world. Margo Kitts argues that these rituals were built around somatic paradigms.[54] In just about every ANE healing tradition, the one doing the healing had to be physically involved for it to work: whether through dance, touch, sacrifice, or repeated incantations.[55] Therefore, it should be no surprise Elisha's absence and silence made him look like a fraud. In this context we can see that Naaman's reaction wasn't about personal pride or disbelief, like Long and House suggest.[56] [57] It was about his deep-rooted cultural expectation that healing had to come with a grand show. The real message here is that Yahweh doesn't need a ritualistic circus, as all of these comparative narratives suggest. He requires simple obedience to His word, nothing more.

PART3, SECTION D.  The Icon of Tribute: Wealth and Divine Favor

The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III is a Neo-Assyrian royal relief that shows foreign rulers bringing tribute to the Assyrian king. The figures in front of him are shown in submission, kneeling with their faces to the ground, indicating distress and subjugation.[58] While these reliefs highlight Assyrian power, they also reflect the hardships the tribute bearers endured. This mirrors Naaman’s approach to the king of Israel, who rejects his lavish gifts, fearing it’s a military trick (2 Kings 5:7). On the other hand, Elisha also refuses the gifts, but for entirely different reasons (2 Kings 5:16). The king of Israel rejected the offer because he knew he wasn’t God and had no power to heal. Elisha, however, knew that God would bring about the healing, but he refused the money because the miracle was an act of divine grace, not something to be bought or traded. Accepting payment would have undermined the truth that God’s power is a gift of grace, not a service for sale. Gehazi failed to grasp this lesson. Instead of seeing the miracle as a testament to God’s generosity, he saw an opportunity for profit. But rather than gaining wealth, he inherited Naaman’s affliction (2 Kings 5:20). What’s striking is the contrast between what Naaman was willing to pay for healing and what Gehazi actually received. Naaman arrived with an enormous sum, gold, silver, and fine garments, ready to spend whatever it took to be cleansed. Yet Gehazi, driven by greed, took only a small portion of the wealth Naaman had been willing to offer, but instead of profit, he walked away with the very disease Naaman had been freed from (2 Kings 5:22, 5). Shalmaneser III forced his subjects to bow and pay heavy tribute, placing great burdens on them to demonstrate their subjugation. But Yahweh is nothing like this. He doesn’t demand payment or impose crushing burdens. Yahweh doesn’t seek to enslave His enemies but to set them free. All He asks in return is faith.

PART3, SECTION E.  Chariot Technology and Military Prestige

In 2 Kings 5:9, the Scripture states that, “Naaman came with his horses and his chariots, and stood at the doorway of Elisha’s house.” The word וּבְרִכְבּ used in this verse is specific to chariots rather than a general term for riding. It derives from the Hebrew root רכב, which refers explicitly to chariots, chariotry, or wheeled vehicles rather than horseback riding or other forms of transport. This precision suggests that Naaman arrived in a formal military or diplomatic procession, rather than as a smaller band of travelers.[59] In modern terms, it would be akin to a convoy of dozens of up-armored Humvees with mounted gunners rolling into a town, signaling both military authority and high-ranking presence. To understand the type of chariot Naaman used, we can examine chariot remains from Megiddo, which date from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age. Excavations have revealed chariot wheels, yoke fragments, and horse fittings, confirming the widespread use of chariots for military and diplomatic travel. Similarly, Tell es-Safi/Gath excavations provide additional evidence of horse remains and chariot fittings, suggesting active military campaigns in the 9th century BC.[60] Also Assyrian reliefs from Nimrud, depicting two-horse chariots with six-spoked wheels, which demonstrate shared military technology between the Assyrians and Arameans, further reinforcing the type of chariot Naaman likely used.[61] Therefore, the extensive archaeological evidence from this period strongly indicates that Naaman’s journey to Israel would have involved the use of two-wheeled chariots, which were the standard mode of transport for military and high-ranking officials. These chariots were lightweight, two-wheeled vehicles pulled by two horses, designed primarily for speed and maneuverability.[62] According to Feldman and Sauvage, in the dry season, chariots move efficiently over compacted dirt roads, but they were still susceptible to wear on wheels and axles. However, in the wet season, these chariots would have struggled, as wooden wheels bound with leather would absorb water, increasing weight and reducing durability.[63] Naaman’s entourage likely included soldiers for protection, servants to manage supplies and horses, and a scout or guide familiar with the terrain. Given the significant wealth he carried, ten talents of silver, six thousand shekels of gold, and ten changes of clothes: armed guards would have been necessary to protect against bandits or enemy incursions (2 Kings 5:5). Chariots, while prestigious, were not ideal for defensive combat on difficult terrain. If attacked, Naaman’s escort would likely have formed a defensive perimeter, using the chariots as barriers while engaging enemies with bows, javelins, or short swords, standard weapons for charioteers in this period.[64]

PART4, SECTION F. Seals and Diplomacy in the ANE

The bigger ANE picture in 2 Kings 5 really shows how religion, politics, and cultural identity were completly intertwined. Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions mention Aram and Israel all the time, proving just how important they were in the region’s power struggles. The whole idea of healing and cleansing rituals in Naaman’s story isn’t unique either: similar themes in Mesopotamian and Egyptian texts, which just goes to show how connected these peoples were. However, Naaman’s healing in the Jordan stands out because it highlights an Israelite take on divine power: one that works through simple, obedient acts instead of the complex rituals or magical incantations that were so common in other ANE cultures.
Seals and bullae[65] provide concrete evidence of diplomatic correspondence in the Iron Age Levant. This is evident in 2 Kings 5:5, where the King of Aram declares, וְאֶשְׁלְחָה סֵפֶר אֶל־מֶלֶךְ יִשְׂרָאֵל, confirming that Naaman traveled with a royal letter to Israel’s king. Seals were not merely symbols of authority but served as legal instruments used to authenticate messages. Archaeological evidence from bullae and seal impressions found at key sites in Aram and Israel, such as Tel Lachish, the City of David in Jerusalem, and Megiddo, confirms this practice.[66] These findings reinforce the authenticity of official interactions between neighboring kingdoms. In short, the presence of diplomatic seals from Aram and Israel strongly supports the biblical account of Naaman carrying a letter from Ben-Hadad II to King Jehoram of Israel (2 Kings 5:5-6). Meaning that Naaman did not act on his own authority but rather he carried official correspondence sealed by his master, which helps explain Jehorams reaction of tearing his clothes. Christopher Younger explains that seals were integral to statecraft, acting as a means to authenticate diplomatic letters, control access to official decrees, and facilitate secure communication between rival states.[67] Similarly, Daniel Pullen’s research on bullae from Tsoungiza highlights that military leaders like Naaman were frequently entrusted with sealed documents in official exchanges, emphasizing the political role of army commanders as intermediaries.[68] If that wasn't enough, the iconography of Assyrian and Aramean seals frequently depicts warriors and political envoys engaging in acts of negotiation, further validating the biblical portrayal of Naaman as a military official carrying an official decree.[69]

PART4, SECTION A.  The Geopolitical Landscape of 2 Kings 5

During Iron Age II, 2 Kings 5:1-16 recounts the interaction between Naaman and the prophet Elisha. In Modern day Syria, Naaman was senior military commander on the ground for Ben-Hadad II who likely reigned from 874-853 BC (1 Kings 20:1).[70] During this same period, Elisha was the main prophet in Israel under King Jehoram, who ruled from roughly 852–841 BC (2 Kings 3:1, 2 Kings 3:11).[71] Simple math dictates that Jehoram and Ben-Hadad II reigned simultaneously for 11 years, providing more than enough time for this encounter to take place historically. This encounter can be further narrowed to 850–848 BC, a period when Jehoram was in the early years of his reign, Ben-Hadad II remained in power, and Hazael had not yet seized the throne in 842 BC.[72] As for the political dynamic, Aram was the aggressor to the north and eastern borders, while Israel generally sought to hold onto its land rather than expand its territory (1 Kings 20, 2 Kings 6, 8:12). The geography between these two nations is primarily what fostered their constant conflicts: both sides vying for control over the limited resources of the disputed Transjordan areas. This is self-evident in 2 Kings 5:2, which notes that bands of Naaman’s soldiers would raid these territories and randomly kidnap people to use as slaves (2 Kings 5:2).

PART4, SECTION B.  Aram’s Strategic Importance and Conflicts with Israel

If someone looked from Damascus towards Israel, the skyline to the west was dominated by the Anti-Lebanon Mountains, with Mount Hermon standing as the most prominent feature, acting as a natural barrier between Aram and the Phoenician coast.[73] Mount Hermon, also known as "Sirion" in Deuteronomy 3:9, rose to approximately 9,232 feet and was usually snow-capped, particularly in the winter and the early spring months.[74] The Barada and Pharpar rivers flowed from these mountains into Damascus. They were known for their clean and clear water since they flowed directly from the fresh mountain springs.[75] The Abana River flowed from east to west at a moderate pace, but its flow changed depending on the season. In the spring, it ran higher because of snowmelt from Mount Hermon. In contrast, the Jordan River flowed south into the Sea of Galilee and eventually into the Dead Sea. It’s volume and strength was far greater than the Barada and Pharpar combined, especially during the rainy season between November and March. The fertile areas around Damascus supported the cultivation of key crops such as wheat, barley, olives, figs, and grapes, which were staples of the diet and essential for trade.[76] Additionally, the region’s date palms and pomegranates were highly valued, contributing to the economic prosperity of the area. Beyond the fertile oasis of Damascus, most of Aram’s land was dry with no farmland. This made the rich, fertile lands of Israel to the southwest almost impossible to resist. With so little farmland of their own, Aram saw these lands as too valuable not to fight over, leading to constant struggles over control.[77] These included areas watered by the Jordan River and it’s tributaries, such as the Yarmuk River and the Kishon River, which supported agricultural abundance in regions like the Jezreel Valley and the Jordan Valley. To the south, Aram bordered Israel, with the Golan Heights and parts of the Jordan Valley being the most contested areas due to their strategic importance as natural bottlenecks along key trade routes. East of Damascus, the terrain opened into the vast Syrian Desert, which restricted expansion but also provided a natural defense against eastern threats. Understanding this terrain, helps explain Aram’s military conflicts and problems with Israel. It also helps us understand how Damascus maintained its position as a key center of power in the region, thanks to the rivers and fertile land surrounding it.

PART4, SECTION C.  Naaman’s Likely Route of Travel

Naaman’s journey from Damascus to Samaria and then back to Tel Rehov near the Jordan River was no short trip. It was about 169 miles one way, which would have taken his entourage anywhere from five to eight days by chariot at a fast pace. That means the round trip would have stretched at least two weeks, considering Murphy’s law and baggage. The route likely took them southwest through the Beqaa Valley, a natural corridor that made for easier travel. Yet, it should be noted that the geography allowed for only two possible routes. Both of these paths were frequently used for trade and military movements between Aram and Israel. First, the easiest and most direct route was through the Golan Heights, as it provided a higher, drier, and more stable terrain with established roads suitable for chariots and military travel. Secondly, the alternative would have been to descend into the Jordan Valley and attempt to ford the Jordan River. This crossing would have been unpredictable and unnecessarily dangerous, especially while carrying a small fortune. Furthermore, this route would have involved rapid changes in elevation from 2,230 feet to 1,400 feet below sea level. For the animals pulling the chariots, rapid changes in elevation would cause extreme discomfort: making thier ears pop, resulting in slower travel speeds, and the need for more frequent rest stops. From there, they would have gone through Galilee, potentially through Hazor, Tiberias, or Jezreel, before reaching Samaria, which is located in the central hill country. After meeting with King Jehoram in Samaria, Naaman was directed to the prophet Elisha, whose location is suspected to have been at Tel Rehov about 9 miles from the Jordan River, where Naaman was instructed to wash.

PART4, SECTION D.  Weather and Travel Conditions

The region of Aram, was centered around their capital Damascus, which experienced a Mediterranean climate with desert influences. The desert influence came primarily from the east and southeast, where the vast Syrian Desert encroached upon the fertile oasis of Damascus, creating a stark contrast between the arid surroundings and the well-watered areas sustained by the Abana and Pharpar rivers, which flowed from the Anti-Lebanon Mountains to the west. The weather would be comparable to California Central Valley in America, such as Los Angeles or San Fransico Bay area. The Summers were long, hot, and dry, with temperatures often exceeding 95°F, while winters were mild and wet, with temperatures ranging from 40–60°F and most of the rainfall occurring between November and March.[78] Therefore, it's no surprise that Military and diplomatic travel, as referenced in 2 Samuel 11:1, occurred “in the spring, at the time when kings go out to battle,” as kings and commanders typically engaged in campaigns after the spring harvest. During the dry season, which lasted from April to October, prevailing northwest winds from the Mediterranean Sea averaged 10 to 20 mph. If Naaman traveled during the wet season, from November to March, he would have encountered stronger southwest winds that brought moisture from the Mediterranean. Crossing during the wet season would have meant heavy rains, flooding rivers, and hazardous terrain. One might argue that no experienced commander like Naaman would have risked such a journey when roads were unreliable and impassable (2 Kings 5:1). The Beqaa Valley would have been essentially a swamp, turning a relatively short journey into a long and dangerous one. Even the better roads in the Golan Heights had steep paths, some with significant slopes, that would have become both slippery and eroded due to rainfall, making travel treacherous. The Jordan River’s floodwaters would have made fording nearly impossible in some areas. Even major trade routes near Hazor and Jezreel would have been covered in deep mud, making even crossing with light chariot’s treacherous. Yet, Naaman carried approximately 750 pounds of silver and 150 pounds of gold, totaling 900 pounds of precious metal (2 Kings 5:5). Transporting such a heavy load by chariot would have been extremely difficult in muddy conditions, as the added weight would cause the chariot wheels to sink into the soft, rain-soaked ground, making movement slow and exhausting for the horses. On the other hand, spring provided ideal conditions for travel, with strong dry roads and moderate temperatures ranging from 60 to 85°F from April to June. Given these factors, Naaman’s journey most likely occurred in late spring or early summer, ensuring safe passage, ideal river conditions for ritual cleansing, and a strategic diplomatic window to meet with both kings.

PART4, SECTION E. The Tel Dan Stele and It’s Historical Significance

The Tel Dan Stele is the oldest known royal inscription written in an alphabetical script found in Israel. It’s well documented that Aram exerted military and political dominance over Israel during the ninth century BC. King Jehoram ruled Israel from 852–841 BC, a period marked by political instability and military weakness.[79] Meanwhile, Ben-Hadad II and his successor Hazael expanded Aram’s influence, waging successful campaigns against Israel and Judah. The Tel Dan Stele, dated to 840 BC, supports these claims. This Stele proves that an Aramean king achieved significant military victories over these Israel; however, no specific king is mentioned in the fragmented Stele. The inscription is written in Aramaic and serves as a piece of royal propaganda, exalting the Aramean king’s rise to power and military conquests. Na’aman, Suriano, and Olmsted along with the vast majority of ANE scholarship believes that this Stele was installed by King Hazael, based on a number of factors. First, the inscription is dated to the third quarter of the ninth century BC. This aligns with the time of Hazael's reign and the military campaigns attributed to him in both biblical and Assyrian sources (2 Kings 8:12; 10:32).[80] Secondly, the phrase 𒆳𒁉 𒄩𒍝𒀀𒅋𒄿 “House of Hazael" appears in a number of Neo-Assyrian inscriptions in the same vicinity and from the same timeframe, most notably in the Calah Summary Inscription 4 of Tiglath-Pileser III.[81] Additionally, the literary structure of the inscription follows known patterns of royal inscriptions in the ANE. This included first-person narration, justification for military actions, and claims to some kind of divine support: common elements in royal propaganda, particularly for kings who seized power through conquest, like Hazael.[82] Regardless of who wrote it, the Stele provides direct evidence of Aram’s military success against Israel. This historically verifies the biblical narratives and the geopolitical situation of Naaman’s visit. It suggests that Aram maintained significant power over Israel at the time of Naaman’s journey, reinforcing the likelihood that Israel was paying tribute to Aram rather than the other way around. 

PART4, SECTION F. Elisha’s House at Tel Rehov: Archaeological Evidence

Situated in the Beth-Shean Valley, near Abel-meholah, Tel Rehov is geographically linked to Elisha’s early life and prophetic activity (1 Kings 19:16). Among the most significant finds at Tel Rehov is a pottery shard inscribed with the name "Elisha", discovered in Building CP. This structure is distinctly different from the typical residential buildings in the area, which were significantly smaller in comparison. While most homes in this region during the Iron Age IIA averaged between 400 and 800 square feet, this building, at approximately 2,421 square feet, was exceptionally large. It’s unique layout and associated artifacts have led scholars to speculate that it may have served as a prophetic hub, possibly functioning as a gathering place for Elisha and his disciples, or even as his primary place of residence. It’s discovery in an Israelite settlement featuring ritual artifacts adds weight to being the meeting place of Naaman and Elisha.[83] The site's proximity to the Jordan River, its location within a short distance of Israel's capital, and its existence during the prophetic ministry of Elijah and Elisha further strengthen the possibility that this was not merely a coincidence, but rather the house in 2 Kings 5:9.¹ Further evidence are the artifacts found in and around the building most notibly cultic objects, two small altars, and a large number of loom weights, which point to communal meals, prophetic gatherings, and ritual practices consistent with Israel. The entrance to Building CP had two front doors, with no rear exit, with narrow corridors to each door; this is also where the altars were placed so that people coming to the prophet would have a place to leave a gift or simply pray.[84] This follows the customary practice in ancient Israel, where rituals or acts of reverence were performed before seeking guidance from a prophet (cf. 2 Kings 4:42, 8:8-9; 1 Sam. 9:6-8). Furthermore, the lack of a rear exit would have also limited movement within the structure, making it impractical for a host, especially one of prophetic stature like Elisha, to engage in an elaborate reception or exit discreetly. 
While it’s possible that Elisha was absent when Naaman arrived, the text does not indicate this. The phrase פֶּתַח־הַבַּיִת לֶאֱלִישָׁע “the entrance of the house of Elisha” in 2 Kings 5:9 suggests that he remained inside while Naaman stood outside. Later, 2 Kings 5:15 states וַיָּשָׁב אֶל־אִישׁ הָאֱלֹהִים... וַיַּעֲמֹד לְפָנָיו, indicating that after his healing, Naaman stood before Elisha, confirming his presence. This implies that Elisha had been inside all along when he sent a messenger to Naaman, deliberately choosing not to meet him in person. If Building CP functioned as a prophetic center, then Elisha’s decision was not personal but communal. Allowing this enemy of God into a sacred space would have impacted not only Elisha but also the many others present, such as disciples, seekers, or those engaged in prophetic rituals. That is, Elisha concern may not have been about avoiding Naaman directly but rather preserving the sanctity of the space, reinforcing why he could not meet him face to face.
The site’s strategic location along major trade and military routes would have made it an ideal setting for a prophetic figure like Elisha, whose ministry involved interaction with Israelite and Aramean rulers (2 Kings 5:8–15). While definitive proof of Elisha’s residence at Tel Rehov remains elusive, the inscribed pottery, cultic artifacts, communal architecture, and historical context collectively suggest that Building CP is where he lived and operated his ministry. The archaeological evidence, combined with biblical traditions, strengthens the argument that Elisha lived at or ministered from Tel Rehov: making it a significant site for understanding Israelite prophetic traditions in the 9th century BC.

Conclusion

Uncovering truths, like the fact that Naaman didn’t have leprosy as we think of it today, changes how we see his desperation for healing. Naaman’s story isn’t just about a man desperate for a healing. It’s a universal story of the outsider desperate for restoration with God. Yes, he was a decorated commander, still leading enemy armies, still standing before kings, still one of the richest people in the world at that time. But his skin betrayed him. His disease marked him, not just as sick, but as cursed. His frustration with Elisha’s instructions also makes more sense due to our study. Now we know that in the ANE world, healing required dramatic rituals and a priest to physically intervene to appease the god who afflicted him. That is, in his world, healing came with spectacle. Priests chanted, hands waved, and long prayers were offered up. It was a show, like a modern American Sunday morning, and the bigger the show, the greater the power. But Elisha didn’t even bother to meet him. No words of blessing. No dramatic gestures. No jumbotron with people singing lots of songs with “I” in it. Just a simple command: go wash in the Jordan/repent and follow me. That’s what broke Naaman. That’s what breaks us. Not our sickness, not our suffering, not our sin but the sheer simplicity of it all. It offends us. Salvation should cost something. It should take effort, sacrifice, gold, or at the very least, the dignity of an impressive ceremony, where we can “pray a prayer” and be saved. But Yahweh isn’t like the gods of the nations. He doesn’t barter. He isn’t going to make a deal with you so you can walk away thinking you did something. He doesn’t need a priest to wave a hand or chicken guts to be poured out. He simply gives, and He gives freely. That’s why Elisha refused payment. If Naaman could buy his healing, then Yahweh would be no different from the gods of Aram, just another deity in the marketplace of divine transactions.
Understanding these historical realities doesn’t just make the story more interesting; it reshapes how we understand salvation. This isn’t just a lesson about physical healing but about total outsiders: the enemies of God. Do we expect new believers to come before Him with some great spectacle? Let’s keep the song running a few more verses so we can lay our hands on them and say a prayer so they can know that they are now saved? Do we teach the church to try to earn His blessings by doing things like giving more money or going to church? There is a reason why Jesus referred to Naaman at the beginning of His ministry. It’s because lots of insiders wanted to be healed, but they missed the only thing that really mattered. God isn’t impressed by our genetics or the things we think we bring to Him. He’s looking for hearts willing to trust Him, regardless of our preconceptions, no matter how simple His instructions may seem. Yahweh is the God of the outsider!
 PART5, SECTION A. Bible Study on 2 Kings 5
When ministering as a chaplain in prison, we meet a lot of outsiders. Men who don’t really know God any more than Naaman did. Like him, they think they’ve got God figured out, that they can approach Him on their own terms. They believe they hold all the cards, that they should be the center of attention. But that kind of self-reliance has to be the first thing to go. Just like in Alcoholics Anonymous, they have to come to grips with the fact that they’re powerless. They need to see their struggle for what it really is. For Naaman, his problem was easy to spot: his disease was right there on his skin. But there was hope. And in a place like this, hope is everything. Maybe the most powerful thing of all.
The story of Naaman’s healing in 2 Kings 5 is about more than just a miraculous cure. It is a story about power, humility, faith, and God’s grace. It challenges assumptions about what it takes to be restored and shows that healing, both physical and spiritual, does not come through wealth, effort, or status. This passage forces us to think about how we approach God. Do we believe we have to earn His favor? Do we come to Him with expectations based on what we have seen in the world? Do we trust that He works in ways that may not always make sense?
Opening Discussion: Breaking Down False Expectations
One of the most striking parts of this story is Naaman’s reaction when he is told to wash in the Jordan River. He expected something dramatic. He was a man of status, used to commanding others, and when Elisha did not even come out to meet him, it was a direct challenge to his pride. He wanted a ritual. He wanted a spectacle. He wanted something that matched his idea of how healing should work.
•    Have you ever had expectations about how God should work in your life, only to find that He worked in a completely different way?
•    Why do you think Naaman was so angry at first?
•    What does this reveal about how we sometimes approach God?
 
Understanding the Cultural Background: Healing in the Ancient World
In Naaman’s world, healing was tied to religious rituals, sacred objects, and priestly mediation. Many ancient Near Eastern cultures believed that sickness was a sign of divine punishment, and healing often involved elaborate ceremonies, incantations, or magic. In Egypt, for example, healing involved rituals using water, herbs, and divine invocations. Mesopotamian texts describe priests waving their hands over the sick while reciting prayers.
But Yahweh worked differently. There was no performance, no magical ritual. Elisha did not even meet with Naaman personally. Instead, he gave him a simple command: “Go and wash in the Jordan seven times.” This was a direct contrast to everything Naaman knew.
•    Why do you think God chose such a simple method for Naaman’s healing?
•    What does this say about how God operates compared to the religious systems of the world?
•    Have you ever resisted doing something simple because you expected a bigger or more dramatic answer?
 
Trusting God's Way Over Our Own Expectations
Naaman had a choice. He could have walked away in disappointment because Elisha's instructions did not match what he expected, or he could trust that God's way was better. His servants played a key role in this moment, encouraging him to set aside his assumptions and simply follow what was asked. (Note that this was not about pride as most commentators say)

• Are there times when your assumptions about how God should work have made it hard for you to trust Him?
• Have you ever had someone challenge you to take a step of faith, even when it seemed too simple? How did you respond?

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
PART5, SECTION B. Handout for Group Study
 
 

Introduction: What Can We Learn from 2 Kings 5?
The story of Naaman teaches us about __________, __________, and __________. Although Naaman was a powerful commander, he still needed God's help. His healing shows that true restoration comes from __________, not wealth or status.
 
1. False Expectations (Briefly explain ANE expectations here)
Naaman expected Elisha to perform a __________, but instead, he was told to wash in the __________ River.
•    Have you ever expected God to work in a specific way, only to find He had a different plan?
•    Why do you think Naaman got __________ at first?
•    How do we sometimes put __________ on God instead of trusting Him?
 
Key Lesson: God’s ways are not always what we expect, but they are always __________.
 
2. Healing in the Ancient World
In Naaman’s time, healing often involved __________, __________, and __________. Many cultures believed sickness was caused by __________.
Key Difference: Israel’s God did not require a ritual, but instead, He asked for __________ and __________.
 
3. The Test of Trust (Not Pride)
At first, Naaman refused to wash in the Jordan because of __________. His __________ convinced him to obey, and he was healed.

• Have you ever resisted doing something __________ because you expected something bigger?
• What does this teach us about faith and trusting God's way?

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Jaques, Margaret. "'To Talk to One’s God': Penitential Prayers in Mesopotamia." In Mediating between Heaven and Earth: Communication with the Divine in the Ancient Near East, edited by C. L. Crouch et al., vol. 566, Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies, 121. New York; London; New Delhi; Sydney: Bloomsbury, 2013.
Katz, Hayah. "He Shall Bathe in Water; then He Shall Be Pure." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Studies 50, no. 2 (2018): 365.
Kipfer, Barbara. You Are What You Eat, but You Shouldn’t Eat What’s Defiled: The Intersection of Food, Pollution, and Identity in Ancient Texts. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2021.
Lasor, W. S. "Natural Features." In The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, Revised, edited by Geoffrey W Bromiley, 499. Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1979–1988.
Lewis, Theodore J. "Divine Images and Aniconism in Ancient Israel." Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 1 (1998): 42.
Long, Burke O. 2 Kings. Vol. 10, The Forms of the Old Testament Literature. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1991.
Mazar, Amihai. The Canaanite City of Rehob During the Late Bronze Age. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2019.
Mettinger, T. N. D. No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1995.
Niehaus, Jeffrey J. Ancient Near Eastern Themes in Biblical Theology. Kregel Academic, 2008.
Oswalt, John N. The Bible among the Myths: Unique Revelation or Just Ancient Literature? Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2009.
Pritchard, James Bennett, ed. The Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3rd ed. with Supplement. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969.
Quack, Joachim Friedrich. "Conceptions of Purity in Egyptian Religion." In Water Purity in Egyptian Religion. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013, 116.
Riefstahl, Elizabeth. "A Sacred Ibis." Brooklyn Museum Bulletin 11, no. 1 (Fall 1949): 5, 9.
Sandmel, Samuel. "Parallelomania." Journal of Biblical Literature 81, no. 1 (1962): 14.
Suriano, Matthew J. "The Apology of Hazael: A Literary and Historical Analysis of the Tel Dan Inscription." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 66, no. 3 (2007): 165, 167.
Walton, John H. Ancient Near Eastern Thought and the Old Testament: Introducing the Conceptual World of the Hebrew Bible. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018.
Younger, K. Lawson Jr. "Another Look at an Aramaic Astral Bowl." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 71, no. 2 (2012): 212.
Zimmern, H. "Babylonians and Assyrians." In Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings, John A. Selbie, and Louis H. Gray, 312. Edinburgh; New York: T. & T. Clark; Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1908–1926.
 


[1] Jeffrey J. Niehaus, Ancient Near Eastern Themes in Biblical Theology (Kregel Academic, 2008), 54.
[2] John H. Walton, “Interactions in the Ancient Cognitive Environment,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts, ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic: A Division of Baker Publishing Group, 2018), 335.
[3] John N. Oswalt, The Bible among the Myths: Unique Revelation or Just Ancient Literature? (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2009), 59.
[4] Samuel Sandmel, "Parallelomania," Journal of Biblical Literature 81, no. 1 (1962):14
[5] Richard E. Averbeck, "Sumer, the Bible, and Comparative Method: Historiography and Temple Building," in Mesopotamia and the Bible: Comparative Explorations, ed. Mark W. Chavalas and K. Lawson Younger Jr. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2002), 88–125.
[6] Bryan C. Babcock, “Sumer,” ed. John D. Barry et al., The Lexham Bible Dictionary (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016).
[7] Dr. Jordan Jones, "Preliminary Considerations for Comparative Studies," in He Maketh the Clouds His Chariot: The Comparative Method and the Mythopoetical Motif of Cloud-Riding in Psalm 104 and the Epic of Baal (M.A. thesis, 2010), 5.
[8] William Robins, “Modeling Biblical Narrative: Frye and D. H. Lawrence,” ed. James M Kee and Adele Reinhartz, Semeia 89 (2000): 125.
[9] Yitzhaq Feder, Defilement, Disgust, and Disease in Early Jewish and Christian Texts: The Experiential Basis of Hittite and Akkadian Terms for Impurity (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2016), 101.
[10] Yitzhaq Feder, Defilement, Disgust, and Disease in Early Jewish and Christian Texts: The Experiential Basis of Hittite and Akkadian Terms for Impurity (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2016), 103.
[11] H. Zimmern, “Babylonians and Assyrians,” in Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, ed. James Hastings, John A. Selbie, and Louis H. Gray (Edinburgh; New York: T. & T. Clark; Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1908–1926), 312.
[12] Maura Sala, “Khafaje,” in The Lexham Bible Dictionary, ed. John D. Barry et al. (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016).
[13] David E. Graves, “The Influence of the Ancient near Eastern Vassal Treaty Structure on the Hippocratic Oath,” The Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin 57 (2012): 27.
[14] James Bennett Pritchard, ed., The Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament , 3rd ed. with Supplement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 495.
[15] What's especially striking is that while Moses was educated at the highest level in Egypt: essentially earning the equivalent of a Ph.D. in their knowledge—he never included these superstitions in the Torah. While Egyptian medicine had some valuable advancements, its heavy reliance on ineffective and superstitious remedies stands in contrast to the biblical tradition, which placed greater emphasis on divine instruction rather than elaborate rituals. In the end, ANE healing practices, as seen in texts like Šurpu, Maqlû, and Bīt Rimki, relied on ritual purification, sacrifices, and incantations to address both physical and spiritual illness. This provides a helpful context for 2 Kings 5, where Naaman expected an elaborate ritual but instead was given a simple command. His confusion shows how different Israel's prophetic tradition was from the broader ANE approach to disease and healing. Cf. Adrian Rogers, “Why I Believe the Bible to Be the Word of God,” in Adrian Rogers Sermon Archive (Signal Hill, CA: Rogers Family Trust, 2017), 2 Ti 3:14–17.
[16] Paul J. Achtemeier, Harper & Row and Society of Biblical Literature, Harper’s Bible Dictionary (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985), 863.
[17] Greg Church, “Old Testament. Review of Atonement and Purification: Priestly and Assyro-Babylonian Perspectives on Sin and Its Consequences by Isabel Cranz,” ed. Peter Lau, Themelios 44, no. 1 (2019): 132.
[18] Šurpu, was a Babylonian purification ritual handbook of sorts. It originates from Babylonian temple archives and focuses on removing curses and misfortune, particularly for individuals who may have unknowingly offended a deity by some random act. It was often used by āšipu in what we might call “exorcisms” to cleanse a person from divine wrath or unseen sins through a series of ritualistic prayers and symbolic acts of purification. Maqlû, on the other hand, comes from the Assyrian and Babylonian traditions, with copies also found in Ashurbanipal’s Library in Nineveh. This pretty involved anti-witchcraft text consists of incantations designed to neutralize harmful sorcery and demonic afflictions. This just reinforces the belief that illness and misfortune could be the result of curses or malevolent magic.
[19] William W. Hallo and K. Lawson Younger, The Context of Scripture (Leiden;  New York: Brill, 1997–), 539.
[20] John H. Walton, Ancient Near Eastern Thought and the Old Testament: Introducing the Conceptual World of the Hebrew Bible, Second Edition (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic: A Division of Baker Publishing Group, 2018), 68.
[21] Barbara Kipfer, You Are What You Eat, but You Shouldn’t Eat What’s Defiled: The Intersection of Food, Pollution, and Identity in Ancient Texts (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2021), 82.
[22] Eckart Frahm, Royal Hermeneutics: Observations on the Babylonian Extispicy Ritual (Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2004), 45.
[23] Vitiligo: Types, Symptoms, Causes, Treatment & Recovery," Cleveland Clinic, last reviewed October 28, 2021, https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/12419-vitiligo.
[24] David J. A. Clines, ed., The Dictionary of Classical Hebrew (Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press; Sheffield Phoenix Press, 1993–2011), 164.
[25] JoAnn Scurlock, Sourcebook for Ancient Mesopotamian Medicine: Text, ed. Theodore J. Lewis and Marten Stol, vol. 36, Writings from the Ancient World (Atlanta, GA: SBL Press, 2014), 389–390.
[26] JoAnn Scurlock, Sourcebook for Ancient Mesopotamian Medicine: Translation, ed. Theodore J. Lewis and Marten Stol, vol. 36, Writings from the Ancient World (Atlanta, GA: SBL Press, 2014), 432.
[27] Alexandrian Macalister, “Leper, Leprosy,” in The International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia, ed. James Orr et al. (Chicago: The Howard-Severance Company, 1915), 1867.
[28] Alice Mouton, “Sorcellerie Hittite,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies, 2010 62 (2010): 112.
[29] Leviticus 13:13 states that if a person’s skin is completely white (like Naaman and Gehazi), they are to be declared clean. Vitiligo, is depigmentation without sores or raw flesh: not considered ritually impure.
[30] E. Schmidtchen, "The Edition of Esagil-kīn-apli’s Catalogue of the Series Sakikkû (SA.GIG) and Alamdimmû," in Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues: Medicine, Magic and Divination, ed. Ulrike Steinert (De Gruyter, 2018), 330.
[31] Margaret Jaques, “‘To Talk to One’s God’: Penitential Prayers in Mesopotamia,” in Mediating between Heaven and Earth: Communication with the Divine in the Ancient near East, ed. C. L. Crouch et al., vol. 566, Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies (New York; London; New Delhi; Sydney: Bloomsbury, 2013), 121.
[32] Esagil-kīn-apli, Sakikkû, in Esagil-kīn-apli’s Catalogue of Sakikkû and Alamdimmû, ed. Eric Schmidtchen (Berlin: Freie Universität Berlin, 2018), 146.
[33] Francesca Minen, “Ancient Mesopotamian Views on Human Skin and Body: A Cultural-Historical Analysis of Dermatological Data from Cuneiform Sources,” Notes and Records 74 (2020), 126.
[34] Cyril P. Bryan, Ancient Egyptian Medicine: The Papyrus Ebers, trans. from the German version (Chicago: Ares Publishers, 1974), 11.
[35] He remained a high-ranking military officer, and Gehazi was later seen hanging out with Israel’s King, making Hansen’s disease unlikely. Psoriasis also fails as a contender since it leads to red, scaly patches rather than a complete depigmentation, also it doesn’t appear suddenly. Albinism is a genetic condition present from birth, not something that is an acquired disease. Scleroderma, which causes skin thickening and hardening, does not match the description of skin turning “white as snow.” Pityriasis alba is a mild skin condition that causes light patches but is neither severe nor permanent. Fungal infections such as tinea or ringworm can cause discoloration, but they typically involve itching and irritation and don’t last forever. Vitiligo is the only condition that fits all the details. It causes sudden depigmentation without pain or physical deterioration, its hereditary, explains ritual cleanness, and aligns with Naaman’s restoration of pigment (as the primary issue).
[36] John H Walton, Zondervan Illustrated Bible Backgrounds Commentary (Old Testament): Isaiah, Jeremiah, Lamentations, Ezekiel, Daniel, vol. 4 (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2009), 169.
[37] Theodore J. Lewis, “Divine Images and Aniconism in Ancient Israel,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 1 (1998): 42.
[38] T. N. D. Mettinger, No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1995), 139.
[39] Billie Jean Collins, "Puppy in Hittite Ritual," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 49, no. 3 (1990): 226.
[40] Erica Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1995), 54.
[41] Serdar Yalçın, "Men, Women, Eunuchs, Etc.: Visualities of Gendered Identities in Kassite Babylonian Seals (ca. 1470–1155 B.C.)," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 376 (2016): 139.
[42] Prudence O. Harper, "Plaque with Figure of the Goddess Lamashtu," Notable Acquisitions (Metropolitan Museum of Art), 1984-1985, 4.
[43] The term amulet in English often carries the connotation of a bracelet or small charm worn on the body, typically for protection or good fortune. However, Lamashtu amulets differed significantly in form and function. Rather than being limited to wearable jewelry, they included pendants, hanging plaques, cylinder seals, and figurines, many of which were placed in homes, suspended over beds, or used in ritual settings rather than worn continuously. Some smaller versions were worn as necklaces or attached to clothing, but their primary function was apotropaic, serving as a means of warding off Lamashtu’s harmful influence rather than being mere decorative objects. Chiara Lambert, “Ampulla,” in The Eerdmans Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology, ed. Paul Corby Finney (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2017), 51.
[44] Elizabeth Riefstahl, "A Sacred Ibis," Brooklyn Museum Bulletin 11, no. 1 (Fall 1949): 5.
[45] Bernice S. Engle, "The Use of Mercury's Caduceus as a Medical Emblem," The Classical Journal 25, no. 3 (December 1929): 205.
[46] John Z. Wee, "Lugalbanda Under the Night Sky: Scenes of Celestial Healing in Ancient Mesopotamia," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 73, no. 1 (April 2014): 23.
[47] ibid, 24.
[48] K. Lawson Younger Jr., "Another Look at an Aramaic Astral Bowl," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 71, no. 2 (2012): 212.
[49] A human figure with the head of an ibis, a bird with a long, curved beak. Often shown wearing a lunar disk above his head. His body is human, typically dressed in a traditional Egyptian kilt, and he is often holding a stylus and writing tablet or a scepter for healing.
[50] Elizabeth Riefstahl, "A Sacred Ibis," Brooklyn Museum Bulletin 11, no. 1 (Fall 1949): 9.
[51] Michaël Guichard and Lionel Marti, "Purity in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Paleo-Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian Periods," in Purity and the Forming of Religious Traditions in the Ancient Mediterranean World and Ancient Judaism, ed. Christian Frevel and Christophe Nihan (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 49.
[52] Joachim Friedrich Quack, "Conceptions of Purity in Egyptian Religion," in Water Purity in Egyptian Religion (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013), 116.
[53] Hayah Katz, "He Shall Bathe in Water; then He Shall Be Pure," Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Studies 50, no. 2 (2018): 365.
[54] Katz explains somatic paradigms as having to do with physical interaction in religious practices. According to her, they focus on how things like movement, touch, gestures, and bodily sensations shape religious or cultural experiences. A great example of this in the Christian Church today is the practice of laying on of hands during prayer. The idea is that the person being prayed over is not just hearing words but is physically experiencing the moment through touch, reinforcing the belief that God's power is being transferred or made manifest.
[55] Margo Kitts, "Discursive, Iconic, and Somatic Perspectives on Ritual," Journal of Ritual Studies 31, no. 1 (2017): 16.
[56] Burke O. Long, 2 Kings, vol. 10, The Forms of the Old Testament Literature (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1991), 72.
[57] Paul R. House, 1, 2 Kings, vol. 8, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1995), 272–273.
[58] E. Porada, "Remarks About Some Assyrian Reliefs," Anatolian Studies 33 (1983): 16.
[59] W. B. Barrick and Helmer Ringgren, “רָכַב,” in Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, ed. G. Johannes Botterweck and Heinz-Josef Fabry, trans. David E. Green (Grand Rapids, MI; Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2004), 486.
[60] Haskel J. Greenfield, Itzhaq Shai, and Aren M. Maeir, “The Early Bronze Age at Tell Eṣ-Ṣâfi / Gath,”Near Eastern Archaeology 80, no. 4 (2017): 247.
[61] Geoffrey W. Bromiley, ed., “Hatchet,” in The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, Revised (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1979–1988), 629.
[62] Marian H. Feldman and Caroline Sauvage, “Objects of Prestige? Chariots in the Late Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean and Near East,” Ägypten Und Levante / Egypt and the Levant 20 (2010): 12.
[63] ibid, 14.
[64] ibid, 24.
[65] A seal was a carved object used to create impressions, while a bulla was a clay imprint of a seal used to secure and authenticate documents or goods.
[66] Christopher Younger, Seals and Sealing Practices in the Iron Age Levant, Journal of Near Eastern Studies55, no. 2 (1996): 165.
[67] ibid, 166.
[68] Daniel J. Pullen, A Lead Seal from Tsoungiza, Ancient Nemea, and Early Bronze Age Aegean Sealing Systems, American Journal of Archaeology 98, no. 1 (1994): 38.
[69] Pauline Albenda, Of Gods, Men, and Monsters on Assyrian Seals, The Biblical Archaeologist 41, no. 1 (1978): 22.
*I understand that footnotes in Turabian format should not contain hyperlinks or be in blue color, but I’ve left them clickable for ease of reference verification. I kindly ask that this not affect my grade.
[70] Allen C. Myers, “BEN-HADAD,” in The Eerdmans Bible Dictionary (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987), 136.
[71] Sharon Rusten with E. Michael, The Complete Book of When & Where in the Bible and throughout History(Wheaton, IL: Michael E Rusten, 2005), 26.
[72] This dating aligns with several key historical factors. First, Naaman's story takes place during a time when Aram and Israel had peace, as evidenced by the fact that Naaman, a high-ranking Aramean commander, was able to travel freely into Israel with a letter from Ben-Hadad II (2 Kings 5:5-6). Second, Ben-Hadad II was still in power at this time, as Naaman refers to him as “his lord” (2 Kings 5:1), suggesting Hazael had not yet usurped the throne. Third, later chapters in 2 Kings (6–8) depict heightened warfare between Aram and Israel, culminating in Aramean sieges and aggressive military campaigns, which suggests that Naaman’s peaceful visit likely preceded these hostilities. Finally, Hazael’s coup in 842 BC marked a dramatic shift in Aramean-Israelite relations, making it unlikely that Naaman’s diplomatic journey occurred after his rise. Therefore, the most likely date for this narrative can be narrowed down to two years. Therefore, Naaman’s journey likely occurred between 850 and 848 BC.
[73] Walter A. Elwell and Barry J. Beitzel, “Kue,” in Baker Encyclopedia of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1988), 1294.
[74] Elaine A. Phillips, “Peter’s Declaration at Caesarea Philippi,” in Lexham Geographic Commentary on the Gospels, ed. Barry J. Beitzel and Kristopher A. Lyle, Lexham Geographic Commentary (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2016), 287.
[75] John M’Clintock and James Strong, “Aba′na,” in Cyclopædia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1880), 4.
[76] Thomas V. Brisco, Holman Bible Atlas, Holman Reference (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1998), 5.
[77] Mordechai Cogan, Under the Yoke of Ashur: The Assyrian Century in the Land of Israel (Jerusalem: A Carta History, 2020), 15.
[78] W. S. Lasor, “Natural Features,” in The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, Revised, ed. Geoffrey W Bromiley (Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1979–1988), 499.
[79] Billy K. Smith and Franklin S. Page, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, vol. 19B, The New American Commentary (Nashville: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 1995), 24–25.
[80] Matthew J. Suriano, “The Apology of Hazael: A Literary and Historical Analysis of the Tel Dan Inscription,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 66, no. 3 (2007): 165.
[81] Mordechai Cogan, The Raging Torrent: Historical Inscriptions from Assyria and Babylonia Relating to Ancient Israel, 2nd updated & expanded ed. (Jerusalem: Carta, 2015), 42.
[82] Matthew J. Suriano, “The Apology of Hazael: A Literary and Historical Analysis of the Tel Dan Inscription,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 66, no. 3 (2007): 167.
[83] Amihai Mazar, The Canaanite City of Rehob During the Late Bronze Age (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2019), 22.
[84] CBN News, "Did Archaeologists Find the House of Elisha the Prophet?" YouTube video, 3:41. Posted March 28, 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ccYv4_6rfXI.